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Published by Jhistory (November 2002)
Walter C. Soderlund. _Media Definition of Cold War Reality: The Caribbean
Basin, 1953-1992_. Westport, Conn.: Praeger, 2002. 244 pp. $64.95
(hardcover), ISBN: 0275977854
Reviewed for Jhistory by Kim Pearson, The College of New Jersey.
<kpearson@tcnj.edu>
Not so long ago, international politics were dominated by the contest
between capitalism and communism, and most of the rest of the world was
forced to choose sides. The tiny nations of the Caribbean basin,
struggling for political independence and economic viability, frequently
found themselves pawns in the Cold War. In _Media Definition of Cold War
Reality: The Caribbean Basin, 1953-1992_, Walter Soderlund, a political
studies professor at the University of Windsor, presents a body of
research that demonstrates that American, Canadian and British news media
often viewed the region's major political and military events through the
Cold War lens of their respective governments. However, Soderlund finds
that the evidence is not strong enough to support the charge-made by Noam
Chomsky and others-that American media in particular are mere propaganda
shills for their government.
The book is not one cohesive study, but a collection of smaller content
analyses of coverage of discrete events, people or periods. The studies
were conducted over several years, and many have been previously
published. For this reason, the research is not based on a single analytic
approach, something Soderlund admits is a drawback. However, because many
of the studies are concerned with the extent to which the media serve as
gatekeepers, agenda setters or propagandists, the text is thematically
coherent. One positive feature of the book is that Soderlund's
explanations of his methods are relatively jargon-free, making the studies
comprehensible to readers who are not versed in communications theory.
Soderlund's case studies are presented in three roughly chronological
sections that provide a sweeping view of events in the Caribbean that were
accorded geopolitical significance over the last half-century. "The
Initial Challenge" depicts a press that seems willing to frame the rise of
such popular socialist leaders as Jagan in Guyana (1953) Arbenz in
Guatemala (1954), Castro in Cuba (1953), and Bosch in the Domincan
Republic (1965) as worrisome signs of communist penetration. "The Second
Wave" gives particular attention to coverage of the Reagan administration
efforts to ensure the installation of anticommunist regimes in Nicaragua,
El Salvador and Grenada. Two chapters focus particular attention of the
1983 invasion of Grenada. "The End of the Cold War and Democratic
Transitions" treats depictions of efforts to establish electoral
democracies in Haiti, Nicaragua and El Salvador. The 1989 invasion of
Panama and a reconsideration of Cuba's press image at the end of the Cold
War round out this section of the book.
The chapters on the invasion of Grenada had a particular contemporary
resonance. The Reagan administration restricted press access to the island
in an effort to prevent the transmission of the types of horrific images
that helped turn Americans against the US effort in Indochina. The move
backfired: stories and commentaries questioned the government's national
security explanations for the censorship. One cannot help but be reminded
of the anxiety provoked by government moves to limit information access
over the last year.
Soderlund's studies rarely surprise, but his presentation of issues is
thoughtful and carefully researched. While his research findings support
the contention that American media coverage was largely consistent with
government policy, he cites press skepticism about official justifications
of government actions in the Dominican Republic, Grenada and Nicaragua as
evidence of media independence. In particular, he refutes Herman and
Chomsky's contention that, "[T]he 'societal purpose' of the media is to
inculcate and defend the economic, social and political agenda of the
state." (Chomsky, Herman, cf. Soderlund, p. 287) According to Soderlund,
"[M]ost coverage of most Cold War conflicts reflect far more
sophistication and balance," than Herman and Chomsky admit (ibid).
We live in another era of international tension, and once again, the
leaders of powerful nations are demanding that the rest of the world
choose sides. As members of the Fourth Estate consider their duties in
these tendentious times, another of Soderlund's conclusions seems worth
considering: he notes that in hewing closely to the Cold War framing of
news about the Caribbean, the press failed to report adequately on the
role that internal factors played in shaping events in these struggling
nations. "In the final analysis," Soderlund warns, "it is a lack of
understanding of the internal problems faced by developing societies that
will cause confusion in public support for American policy toward the
region in the post-Cold War era" (p. 295).
Kim Pearson has taught courses in race, gender and the media; feature
writing; and magazine writing, among others, at The College of New Jersey
since 1990. She also directs the unbound Institute and advises its online
publication, _unbound_. A former public relations professional for AT&T
and Philadelphia's Fox Chase Cancer Center, she contributes to a wide
variety of scholarly journals, newspapers, magazines, and newsletters.
Pearson was the 2000 New Jersey Professor of the Year, presented by the
Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching.
Copyright (c) 2002 by JHistory. All rights reserved. This work may be
copied for non-profit educational uses if proper credit is given to the
author and the list. For other permission related to JHistory book
reviews, please contact the JHistory book reviews editor, Dr. Dane S.
Claussen (dclaussen@ppc.edu; Telephone: 412-392-3412; Fax: 412-392-3917).
Published by JHistory (November 2002).
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