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Report: German Studies Association 2002 Session Nr. 65: "Competing Voices of Patriotism in Late Nineteenth-Century Germany" Moderator: Andrea Orzoff, New Mexico State University "Remembering a Different war: Catholic and Protestant Uses of Nationalist Rhetoric in the Commemorations of the Franco-Prussian War in Konstanz, 1870-1875" Pontus A. Hiort, Northern Illinois University "Between Exclusion and Enfranchisement: Polish-Speaking Silesians and German Unification" James E. Bjork, Colgate University "Patriotism and Poetry in the Early 1870s: Contesting the Discourse of German Unification" Lorie A. Vanchena, Creighton University Commentator: Daniel Unowsky, The University of Memphis The proclamation of a new German Empire in 1871 seemed to provide a definitive answer to the question of what shape "Germany" would assume on the political map of Europe, but it only further fueled debates over what it meant to be "German." This panel examined debates over German nationhood and national identities by looking at responses to unification in three very different contexts: controversies over how to commemorate the Franco-Prussian war in the city of Konstanz; varieties of political poetry published during the 1870s; and forms of resistance to the Kulturkampf pursued by Polish-speaking Catholics in Upper Silesia. A common theme running through each of the papers was that the deployment of national rhetoric, rather than resulting in homogeneous national identities, instead highlighted the contested and open-ended nature of the emerging German nation-state. Pontus Hiort's paper, "Remembering a Different War: Catholic and Protestant Uses of Nationalist Rhetoric in the Commemorations of the Franco-Prussian War in Konstanz, 1870-1875," discussed the opportunities that local commemorations of the war created for rival Protestant and Catholic leaders to present competing interpretations of the past--as well as competing visions of a future Germany. The largely Protestant and National Liberal municipal elite of Konstanz tried to link celebration of Germany's military victory over France to the ongoing struggle against the Catholic church in Baden and expressed suspicion of local Catholics' patriotic credentials. The city's Catholic leadership, in turn, criticized Protestant-tinged national celebrations--such as Sedan Day--as being intentionally divisive and dismissive of Catholic contributions to German culture and of a grossdeutsch view of German history. These local disputes over memory of the war, Hiort argued, suggest an ongoing confessional debate about the definition and legitimation of the new empire. In her paper, "Patriotism and Poetry in the Early 1870s: Contesting the Discourse of Unification," Lorie Vanchena examined a large body of political poetry composed during the 1870s and circulated in the periodical press. This poetry put forth competing representations of German national identity, ranging from a Prussian, National Liberal brand of German nationalism to alternative voices--largely from southern Germany--that questioned Prussian leadership and highlighted regional consciousness. While writers from various points along the political spectrum often employed the same nationalist rhetoric to depict their respective views, Vanchena argued that the contrast between these two major types of representations reveals the increasingly contested nature of German national identity in the 1870s. James Bjork argued in his paper, "Between Exclusion and Enfranchisement: Polish-speaking Silesians and German Unification," that although the 1870s are often, and understandably, remembered as a period of polarization between Germans and Poles, the confessional conflicts of the Kulturkampf actually resulted in a blurring of the line separating Polish and German Catholics. Using the career of Karol Miarka, editor of the influential regional newspaper Katolik, as a case study, Bjork showed how Polish-speaking Upper Silesians' hostility to Bismarck's policies led them to forge a close alliance with German-speaking Catholics in Silesia and in the Rhineland and Westphalia as well as to engage more and more intensively in German party politics and public policy debates. An experience of profound cultural exclusion from the newly unified German nation, in other words, contributed to a back-handed sort of integration into the German political system. As Dan Unowsky noted in his comments for the panel, the theme of disparate and competing national voices is one more commonly associated with the history of the Habsburg Monarchy than that of the Kaiserreich. Unowsky's remarks and questions focused on extending the discussion of how various forms of commemoration--often envisioned as facilitating the construction of cohesive national narratives--can instead provide occasion for different actors to offer rival readings and interpretations. In particular, he probed the question of whether and to what extent those actors contesting the more "official" versions of collective memory could create viable alternative commemorations or public rituals. Of Hiort's paper, he asked whether the Catholics of Konstanz were able to go beyond criticism of the festivals and celebrations spearheaded by the Protestant elite and organize their own versions, expressing an alternative understanding of German history. He also inquired about the modes of circulation for the poetry that Vanchena analyzed--whether, for example, some might have been incorporated into school curricula or choral performances. Concerning Bjork's suggestion that the Kulturkampf facilitated the formation of a nationally mixed Catholic political camp, Unowsky wondered if this idea of linguistic or national mixing was expressed in the holding of bilingual public commemorations or rituals. Questions and comments from the audience suggested some other possible variables that might have influenced the ways in which German national identity was contested. One participant asked whether the expression of regionalist sentiment in the poetry of the 1870s was linked to the use of dialect, though Vanchena noted that dialect could be used in derisive ways or to comical effect as well as for promotional purposes. Another member of the audience suggested that, despite Prussia's dominant role in orchestrating German unification, notions of Prussian identity were also being questioned and even threatened by unification and its aftermath. Several other participants commented on the crucial role that local elites--particularly the Catholic clergy--played in mediating between local interests/identities and broader national associations. Appropriately, perhaps, one of the final questions from the audience inquired whether the various dissident voices discussed by all three panelists really were Reichsfeinde, even if, perhaps, they only became so as a result of Bismarck's characterization of them as such. While the panelists agreed that advocates of regional, confessional, or ethnic minorities had real and profound grievances with the course of Prussian-led unification, they also became accustomed to--and even came to rely on--the public space of the new empire as the arena within which those grievances could be expressed. James Bjork Colgate University For a complete listing of all sessions at the 2002 German Studies Association Conference, please visit <http://www.g-s-a.org>.
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